Since its inception, Mafianeindanke has collaborated on numerous parliamentary questions in the Bundestag and state parliaments to shed light on mafia activities in Germany and to learn more about the government’s level of awareness. How does this work? In the chapter “Parliamentary Questions, Big Numbers” from the Spiegel bestseller *Germafia*, Mafianeindanke chairman Sandro Mattioli explains exactly that.
Parliamentary Questions, Big Numbers
“A whole host of people regularly volunteer with mafianeindanke, in various parts of Germany and even abroad. Of course, the board of directors; our extremely resilient and, above all, highly organized secretary Judith; Giulia, who keeps an eye on the difficult issue of financing and our resources; Helena, our most politically minded member; and Ludovica, who brings her drive and legal expertise to the table. Working together with my colleagues is fun for all of us, even though the work for an anti-Mafia organization in Germany is often very tough: There are no established funding programs for this work, so money is always in short supply; data is hard to come by; people know little about the dangers of the Mafia and tend to dismiss us; we’re constantly battling stereotypes, and so on. So even though there are many obstacles to overcome, we’re usually in good spirits, which I really appreciate. On top of that, we have great regional groups coordinated by hardworking people, and members without a group who also get involved. Above all, we have Luigino, the heart and soul of mafianeindanke: He’s been on board almost since the association was founded and constantly spoils us and our guests with his culinary skills at lavish dinners at his home; he brings, so to speak, a concentrated dose of Italian spirit to the association, along with his unshakable optimism.
But we didn’t all learn this. We are not professional activists. There is no anti-Mafia organization in Germany that we can model ourselves after. While there are a few initiatives and associations working on similar issues, the bottom line remains: We had to—and still have to—find our own way of engaging with the Mafia through civil society.
From the very beginning, it was important to us as an association to educate people without frightening them. We wanted to work rationally and objectively, without polemics or sensationalism, in support of democracy and with political neutrality. We trusted—and still trust—in people’s understanding. But how can this be achieved? How do you succeed in putting an issue on the political agenda? We simply tried out different things. We organized panel discussions, cultural events, and readings; we launched a newsletter; we conducted our own research; we collaborated with partner organizations; we spoke at the European Parliament; we were invited to consultations with members of parliament or directly to committees in the Bundestag. We even inspired an Tatort episode titled “Kopper” (2017) on the topic of the Mafia. Yeah! The problem with our work, however, was and always is: The activities of the ‘Ndrangheta and its affiliates in Germany are a huge black box. Their activities are recorded only very inadequately; there are no scientific empirical studies. So how can we raise awareness in this context?
An extremely important tool that can serve as a solution to this gap is the so-called “minor interpellation.” It helps members of parliament fulfill their oversight role vis-à-vis the government. It is common practice for parliamentary groups to collaborate with civil society organizations when formulating questions. This opens up the opportunity for these organizations to raise the government’s awareness of abuses and, at the same time, bring them to the attention of a wider audience.
This is because the results of minor interpellations are typically picked up by the media for reporting. Thanks to our 2017 conference, we established contact with Member of Parliament Irene Mihalic and her office, and so we too began contributing to minor interpellations.
This sword is sharp, but one must be careful that it does not become dull over time. Several minor interpellations revealed that unprocessed reports of suspected money laundering cases were piling up at the Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU)—whose official name in Germany is “Central Office for Financial Transaction Investigations”—to astronomical heights. Yet this massive security risk was attracting noticeably less attention.
We have frequently asked the federal government in this way how many mafiosi are in Germany and what they are doing here. Especially on topics where expertise is lacking, the answers are often not particularly satisfactory; some even contain factual errors. However, the number of mafiosi in Germany is thus out in the open and remains so, and it is picked up in media reports.
For my presentation at a seminar organized by mafianeindanke in November 2023 in Cologne, I asked the BKA for current figures. According to these, the
‘ndrangheta had exactly 519 members in Germany in 2022, 6 more than the previous year,
the Cosa Nostra 134 (-14),
the Camorra 118 (+4),
the Stidda, a splinter group of the Cosa Nostra, 33 (+3)
and Apulian organized crime 37 (-3).
Others who cannot be classified: 162, which is 91 more people than in 2021.
The total number of members of Italian organized crime groups in Germany for the year 2022 thus comes to exactly 1,003 people. By comparison: Just under ten years earlier, in 2013, this figure was still 482—less than half. So today we have a record number! A thousand mafiosi! Italian prosecutor Giuseppe Lombardo urges us to broaden our perspective. He said: “The problem isn’t counting the members. The problem is those who profit from the mafiosi.”
I find it alarming—and astonishing—how Germany is reacting to this stark increase: namely, not at all. Just imagine what would happen if these weren’t Mafiosi, but radicalized Islamist threats. There would be an uproar; funds would be allocated to combat them; prevention programs would be devised and launched; training would be funded for all relevant groups, and so on and so forth. But when it comes to mafia organizations that don’t want to blow up a Christmas market or shoot concertgoers, but merely seek to sabotage and exploit our economic and democratic order and infiltrate our state—apparently, resistance isn’t necessary.
But how is it actually determined who belongs to Italian organized crime in this country? An internal document from the BKA dating from 2012 describes the procedure. A basic requirement is that the person must be permanently residing in Germany or “registered as a resident.” Points are then awarded:
– a conviction in Italy under Mafia Article 416-bis (from the Latin “bis”:
“twice”) of the Italian Penal Code: ten points
– if the person is listed on a clan list from Italy: six points
– testimony as a key witness: six points
– ongoing preliminary investigation in Italy for Mafia affiliation: five points.
– “Evidence from ongoing preliminary investigations in Germany” also yields points. If one is a contact or trusted person: two points. Relevant mafia-typical behavior also yields two points. If mafia-typical crimes occur in accordance with the Italian Mafia provision—such as arson, protection racketeering, threats, or adherence to the Omertà—four points.
– Relevant background/family ties: another two points
– Incriminating statements from police informants: two points.
If six points are reached, German investigative authorities speak of suspected IOK membership. It still strikes me as bizarre that members of a criminal organization are essentially counted individually. It’s not as if people go to the registration office to sign up as mafiosi. Furthermore, a high number of unreported cases must be assumed. As reported, Prosecutor Nicola Gratteri estimates there are 60 local chapters. That would mean that at least 3,000 members of the ‘ndrangheta alone are active in Germany. I therefore have only limited confidence in the official German figures. Nevertheless, they are important.
Perhaps the problem is that we are collectively getting used to creeping, growing dangers. Just as Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine was not a spontaneous, diabolical impulse but the result of a largely ignored process, so too are the murders committed by organized crime in the Netherlands (including those of a key witness and the journalist Peter R. de Vries) in recent years not a sudden new phenomenon, but rather an expression of a steady development that had been underway long before. Vincenzo Parisi, head of the Italian police, described the creeping danger posed by the Italian Mafia with remarkable clarity: Numerous Mafiosi have been tracked down in Germany. Among other things, favorable investment opportunities abroad are increasingly drawing the Mafia outward. This is accompanied by the fact that it is increasingly operating in secret. Parisi said this in 1993. The rising numbers, as well as my book, show that he is still right.”
More on Germafia: “According to official figures, over 1,000 Mafiosi live in Germany, while Italian prosecutors speak of several thousand. From numerous conversations with those affected, former Mafia members, police officers, and prosecutors, journalist and Mafia expert Sandro Mattioli knows that the Mafiosi view “unsuspecting Germany” as their prey and have long since begun to systematically infiltrate society, the economy, and politics. The Calabrian ‘Ndrangheta, in particular, operates in a highly strategic manner. Yet the German state is doing almost nothing to counter this. Why is that? Mattioli reports in detail and vividly on his research, on intimidation and Mafia activities within German institutions and sectors where one would not have suspected them until now. It is high time to prevent the Mafia from taking over Germany.”
The book was published in 2024 by Westend Verlag and is available in bookstores.
